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Qaddafi may be dead, but Libyans stick to their guns

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Don Duncan

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TRIPOLI // The capital's Martyrs' Square is the scene of almost nightly celebrations of the killing of Muammar Qaddafi.

Fireworks explode, rebel soldiers take children for rides on their anti-aircraft guns and spin them around like it is an amusement park. Merchants sell revolution trinkets such as key rings and mugs, and comic photo-shopped images of the fallen dictator.

"Thank God, Muammar is dead and there is no more trace of his awful family in this country," yelled one middle-aged man on a recent chilly evening.

That's the kind of celebratory chatter heard all over the square. But among even this crowd, there is a gnawing concern - guns.

Tens of thousands were given to people to fight the civil war. With tribal conflicts and personal score-settling on the rise, these same guns have become Libya's primary security threat. What is more, the problem goes beyond rifles and handguns - Libya is also home to thousands of rocket propelled grenades (RPGs), surface-to-air missiles, landmines and chemical weapons.

Further, since the uprising and civil war, people have become used to carrying weapons.

Teenagers, fathers, and gangs of young men often carry rifles. And then there are the bigger guns. The pickups loaded with anti-aircraft guns that became icons of the Libyan opposition are still ubiquitous, parked in squares or leaving skid marks on roads.

Across town from the party in Martyrs' Square, the Brigade Captain Abed Al Majid heads up one of numerous Tripoli brigades tasked with getting guns out of civilian hands.

Some people, he said, would be willing to give up their bullets and hang on to their guns as mere mementos.

Eventually, these guns too will have to be confiscated but for now, the captain and his men are focused on men who want to keep their guns for political reasons.

"There are those with guns and they keep the bullets and will use them," he said. "But if they do, we will be on to them. We will arrest these people and they will be punished in court."

On a recent night, Capt Al Majid and his men set up a checkpoint on a busy Tripoli thoroughfare to seize illegal guns. Those with government-issued licenses are let go, but those who do not face a different fate.

For now, their weapons are confiscated. The gun licenses were first issued towards the end of the civil war, but mostly in the bigger cities

The criteria were simple: people had to have clean criminal records and be fighting on the side of the rebels.

The initial idea of the licenses was to keep arms from reaching Qaddafi loyalists. Now the system is being used to reduce and regulate the carrying of weapons. For now, however, it has been largely ineffective.

"We have to confiscate those guns and interrogate their owners a little to see where they got them, what they will do with them and why they haven't given them up," said Capt Al Majid of the unlicensed weapons.

There are two main reasons people are not giving up their arms. Some have said that Libya is still too dangerous. Others, mostly former fighters, like Ahmed Suleiman and his friends, have refused to give up their guns as a matter of principle.

They have a personal arsenal in their home neighbourhood of Gorgi. As they clean their guns, mostly AK-47s and handguns, Mr Suleiman explains that they sacrificed much to defeat Qaddafi and so, relinquishing these arms before the new political order is in place, is impossible.

"I won't give them up until the ministry of defence releases an official declaration that everyone must give up their guns," said Mr Suleiman. "But right now, we won't do it."

Libya has recently named a new cabinet but no such declaration has been issued. The only legal pressures are a vague appeal by the National Transitional Council (NTC) to the public to voluntarily give up their guns, as well as the NTC's right to confiscate unlicensed arms.

And then there are the bigger guns. Dotted across the capital are numerous warehouses, run by the NTC, where the scale of the problem is apparent. They house heavy artillery, RPGs, landmines, and even Scud missiles. Next page


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NTC fighters 'capture' Qaddafi hometown of Sirte

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The National Associated Press

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SIRTE, Libya // Libyan fighters have overrun the last positions of Muammar Qaddafi loyalists holding out in the city of Sirte and the revolutionaries now have all of the ousted leader's hometown within their hands.

Witnesses said the final push to capture the remaining pro-Qaddafi positions began around 8am today and was over after about 90 minutes. Just before the assault, about five carloads of loyalists tried to flee the enclave down the coastal motorway but were killed by revolutionaries.

NTC forces began searching homes and buildings looking for any Qaddafi fighters who may be hiding there.

"Sirte has been liberated. There are no Qaddafi forces any more," Colonel Yunus Al Abdali, the head of operations in the eastern half of the city told Reuters. "We are now chasing his fighters who are trying to run away."

Another front line commander confirmed the capture of the city, which was the last remaining significant bastion of pro-Qaddafi fighters almost three months after the ex-leader was overthrown by rebels.

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NTC forces have overrun the last positions of Muammar Qaddafi loyalists holding out in the city of Sirte and the revolutionaries now have all of the ousted leader's hometown within their hands.

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Qaddafi killed as Sirte falls to NTC: Libya

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Agencies

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SIRTE, Libya // The Prime Minister of Libya's interim government, Mahmoud Jibril, has confirmed that former Libyan dictator Muammar Qaddafi has been killed.

Libya's National Transitional Council leader said Qaddafi died of his wounds as fighters battling to complete an eight-month uprising against his rule overran his home town Sirte today.

The era of Moammar Qaddafi has ended with his death and the capture of Sirte in Libya by the National Transitional Council.

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"We have been waiting for this moment for a long time. Muammar Qaddafi has been killed," Jibril told a news conference in the capital Tripoli.

A NTC official said his body was now being taken to a secret location.

"Qaddafi's body is with our unit in a car and we are taking the body to a secret place for security reasons," Mohamed Abdel Kafi, an NTC official in the city of Misrata told Reuters.

Nato said they couldn't yet confirm reports from revolutionary fighters that Qaddafi was captured or killed in the fall of his hometown. In Washington, US officials were also still working to confirm the reports, a senior Obama administration official said.

However, television networks around the world are broadcasting an apparent photograph of the former leader's body released by the NTC.

The photo, apparently taken on a mobile phone, showed a pale, bloodied and dead-eyed man closely resembling the deposed Libyan ruler, with dark frizzy hair and similar facial features.

It was not clear if the man was dead or wounded. He appeared to be bandaged and had a blank expression. He had a stream of blood from the side of his mouth and was wearing a bloodstained, dark-coloured shirt.

It is common for anti-Qaddafi fighters to photograph and record scenes from the battlefield.

The Misrata Military Council, one of multiple command groups for revolutionary forces, earlier released a statement that said Qaddafi was dead. Another commander, Abdel-Basit Haroun, said Qaddafi was killed when an airstrike hit a convoy trying to flee.

Previous reports of Qaddafi family deaths or captures have later proved incorrect.


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Muammar Qaddafi: myth of glory, feet of clay

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John Thorne

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TUNIS // Five days after revolt against him broke out in February, Muammar Qaddafi mounted a podium in Tripoli vowing never to relinquish control of the country he had ruled for more than four decades.

"I am a glory that Libya cannot forego and the Libyan people cannot forego!" he shouted with characteristic bombast. "Muammar Qaddafi is history, resistance, liberty, glory, revolution!"

Eight months later, Qaddafi was dead, reportedly shot yesterday while trying to flee his besieged home town of Sirte; he was 69. At turns flamboyant and brutal, he leaves to Libyans a country scarred by his quest to remake it in his own image.

With Sirte's capture, Libya's National Transitional Council (NTC) is expected to declare the country liberated. It must now address the legacy of corruption, autocracy and violence that characterised Qaddafi's "Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya."

For centuries Libya was not a candidate for greatness. Called the "arid nurse of lions" by the Roman poet Horace, the country is mostly desert with its 6 million inhabitants clustered in a handful of cities.

Libya struck oil in 1959, attracting western oil firms, but King Idris invested little of Libya's new wealth in creating jobs. Meanwhile, Arab nationalist sentiment seeped in from the east.

It was this environment that helped shape a young Qaddafi.

Born according to most accounts in 1942 to a nomadic horse trader, Qaddafi grew up in the coastal city of Sirte. In the late 1950s he became politically conscious.

"Arab nationalism was exploding," Qaddafi told Time magazine in 1973. "The Suez Canal had been nationalised by the Egyptians in 1956; Algeria was fighting for its independence. The monarchy had been overthrown in Iraq. In Libya, nothing was happening."

On the morning of September 1, 1969, army tanks converged on Tripoli, and King Idris's government swiftly collapsed.

The officers who staged the coup declared its aims as "unity, freedom and socialism", and warned that all resistance would be "crushed ruthlessly and decisively." At their head was 27 year-old Captain Muammar Qaddafi.

The Arab world hailed the coup as a rejoinder to Arab defeat in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. It was also a personal triumph for Qaddafi, who had seen himself as "a leader without a country".

In the late 1970s Libya was reorganised as a jamahiriya, a term minted by Qaddafi to mean "state of the masses". In reality, Libya remained firmly under his own control.

Industries were nationalised and political parties banned, while disastrous experiments with collectivisation during the 1980s gutted the economy and impoverished millions of ordinary Libyans.

Meanwhile, Qaddafi embarked on a whirlwind of quixotic projects, dragging Libya with him.

In the name of pan-Arabism, he forged abortive unions with Egypt, Syria and Tunisia. Evoking Africa solidarity, he lavished Libya's oil wealth on sub-Saharan countries.

Famously, Qaddafi bankrolled liberation movements and militants groups, from the Irish Republican Army to Liberian warlord Charles Taylor.

Libya attacked neighbouring Chad repeatedly during the late 1970s and 1980s.

For most of his career, Qaddafi's chief foe was the United States, which bombed one of his houses in Tripoli in 1986 following a bombing in Berlin that targeted US soldiers and was blamed on Libyan agents.

Two years later, four days before Christmas, Pan Am flight 103 from London exploded over the Scottish town of Lockerbie, killing 234 passengers, 16 crew and 11 people on the ground.

British and US authorities blamed the attack on Libyan agents, and the United Nations slapped international sanctions on Libya. In 1999, staggering under diplomatic and economic pressure, Libya began secret talks with the US and UK on repairing relations.

Two Lockerbie bombing suspects were surrendered for trial, and in 2003 Libya renounced attempts to acquire a nuclear weapon. By 2005 both US and UN sanctions were lifted against the country, and western oil firms were once again pumping Libyan oil.

That rapprochement came to a halt in February when Libyans inspired by revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt rose up against Qaddafi's regime.

In the eight months of war that followed, Qaddafi reminded Libyans - and the world - of his determination to keep power at virtually all costs. Next page


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