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Afghan girls box for Olympic glory inside stadium used by Taliban to stone women for adultery

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Reuters

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KABUL // Teenage Afghan sisters Shabnam and Sadaf Rahimi are taking the fight for women's rights more literally than most of their peers, throwing punches in a ring as members of their country's first team of female boxers.

They practice inside a spartan gym with broken mirrors, flaking paint, four punching bags, and a concrete floor padded with faded pink and green mats. Some girls wear face masks to keep away the dust coming up from the floor.

"It was my dream to become a boxer. At first my father did not agree with me. He said girls should not be boxing," said Sadaf, 18, out of breath from punching the bag. "After I got my first medal, he changed his mind."

Female boxing is still relatively unusual in most countries, but especially in Afghanistan, where many girls and women still face a struggle to secure an education or work, and activists say violence and abuse at home is common.

Three times a week, the girls come to practise at the Ghazi Stadium, once used for public punishment by the Taliban. Women were stoned for adultery there and despite an expensive revamp, its gory past sometimes spooks the athletes.

"My family fled to Iran during the Taliban ... but I heard that women used to be killed here and sometimes when I exercise alone inside the stadium I panic," Sadaf said.

Under the Taliban, all sports for women were banned. They still have far fewer opportunities for exercise than men.

Boys peered through the dirty training hall windows during one practice, curiosity piqued by the sight of girls doing push ups and throwing punches.

Not all onlookers are simply curious. Many in this conservative society still consider fighting taboo for women, and the girls deal with serious threats.

"Two years ago someone called my father ... and threatened that he would either kidnap or kill us if he let us train," said Shabnam, 19.

They did not return to training for a month, until their trainer offered to organise transport for the girls, and still limit workouts to the gym, where the government provides security.

The team was created in 2007 by Afghanistan's National Olympic Committee to challenge stereotypes and encourage girls to stand up for what they believe in.

"We want to show the world that Afghan women can be leaders, too, that they can do anything, even boxing," said their coach, Mohammad Saber Sharifi.

The team received some financial support from the Olympic committee and a local non-governmental group, Cooperation for Peace and Unity, but supplies are still scarce.

Mr Sharifi, himself a former professional boxing champion, hopes to source more support to build a boxing ring, improve their equipment and send the girls to international meets to hone their skills.

The biggest hope is to reach this year's Olympic Games in London, where women's boxing will debut as a medal sport, but a tough qualification round in China stands in the way in May.

No Afghan woman has ever won a medal at the Olympic Games, but the taekwondo fighter Rohullah Nikpai may have paved the way by taking a bronze at the 2008 Beijing Games, becoming a national hero in the process.

The Rahimi sisters are aiming for the same podium. Shabnam won her first gold medal at an international competition in Tajikistan this year, where her younger sister took silver.

"I want to become a good boxer so that I can bring more pride to my country. My dream is to raise the Afghan flag for my country," Shabnam said.


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Muammar Qaddafi: myth of glory, feet of clay

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John Thorne

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TUNIS // Five days after revolt against him broke out in February, Muammar Qaddafi mounted a podium in Tripoli vowing never to relinquish control of the country he had ruled for more than four decades.

"I am a glory that Libya cannot forego and the Libyan people cannot forego!" he shouted with characteristic bombast. "Muammar Qaddafi is history, resistance, liberty, glory, revolution!"

Eight months later, Qaddafi was dead, reportedly shot yesterday while trying to flee his besieged home town of Sirte; he was 69. At turns flamboyant and brutal, he leaves to Libyans a country scarred by his quest to remake it in his own image.

With Sirte's capture, Libya's National Transitional Council (NTC) is expected to declare the country liberated. It must now address the legacy of corruption, autocracy and violence that characterised Qaddafi's "Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya."

For centuries Libya was not a candidate for greatness. Called the "arid nurse of lions" by the Roman poet Horace, the country is mostly desert with its 6 million inhabitants clustered in a handful of cities.

Libya struck oil in 1959, attracting western oil firms, but King Idris invested little of Libya's new wealth in creating jobs. Meanwhile, Arab nationalist sentiment seeped in from the east.

It was this environment that helped shape a young Qaddafi.

Born according to most accounts in 1942 to a nomadic horse trader, Qaddafi grew up in the coastal city of Sirte. In the late 1950s he became politically conscious.

"Arab nationalism was exploding," Qaddafi told Time magazine in 1973. "The Suez Canal had been nationalised by the Egyptians in 1956; Algeria was fighting for its independence. The monarchy had been overthrown in Iraq. In Libya, nothing was happening."

On the morning of September 1, 1969, army tanks converged on Tripoli, and King Idris's government swiftly collapsed.

The officers who staged the coup declared its aims as "unity, freedom and socialism", and warned that all resistance would be "crushed ruthlessly and decisively." At their head was 27 year-old Captain Muammar Qaddafi.

The Arab world hailed the coup as a rejoinder to Arab defeat in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. It was also a personal triumph for Qaddafi, who had seen himself as "a leader without a country".

In the late 1970s Libya was reorganised as a jamahiriya, a term minted by Qaddafi to mean "state of the masses". In reality, Libya remained firmly under his own control.

Industries were nationalised and political parties banned, while disastrous experiments with collectivisation during the 1980s gutted the economy and impoverished millions of ordinary Libyans.

Meanwhile, Qaddafi embarked on a whirlwind of quixotic projects, dragging Libya with him.

In the name of pan-Arabism, he forged abortive unions with Egypt, Syria and Tunisia. Evoking Africa solidarity, he lavished Libya's oil wealth on sub-Saharan countries.

Famously, Qaddafi bankrolled liberation movements and militants groups, from the Irish Republican Army to Liberian warlord Charles Taylor.

Libya attacked neighbouring Chad repeatedly during the late 1970s and 1980s.

For most of his career, Qaddafi's chief foe was the United States, which bombed one of his houses in Tripoli in 1986 following a bombing in Berlin that targeted US soldiers and was blamed on Libyan agents.

Two years later, four days before Christmas, Pan Am flight 103 from London exploded over the Scottish town of Lockerbie, killing 234 passengers, 16 crew and 11 people on the ground.

British and US authorities blamed the attack on Libyan agents, and the United Nations slapped international sanctions on Libya. In 1999, staggering under diplomatic and economic pressure, Libya began secret talks with the US and UK on repairing relations.

Two Lockerbie bombing suspects were surrendered for trial, and in 2003 Libya renounced attempts to acquire a nuclear weapon. By 2005 both US and UN sanctions were lifted against the country, and western oil firms were once again pumping Libyan oil.

That rapprochement came to a halt in February when Libyans inspired by revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt rose up against Qaddafi's regime.

In the eight months of war that followed, Qaddafi reminded Libyans - and the world - of his determination to keep power at virtually all costs. Next page


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